On May 12, 1930, Mohammad Ali Foroughi, the then Minister of Economy of Iran, became the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Iran. Foroughi was one of the prominent members of Freemasonry and one of the first and most effective elements of the Western cultural invasion against Iran in the Pahlavi era.
State and provincial associations are among the first political-civil organizations of non-governmental organizations of Iranian society on the eve of the victory of the Constitutional Revolution. Which in the second Pahlavi era in the reforms made on the subject of elections, contrary to what the Constitution and other relevant laws stipulated, the oath of the elect in the Holy Qur'an had been changed to the "Holy Book." At the same time, the women (as electors and the elected) were given the right to vote and be elected, which led to widespread protests by scholars led by Imam Khomeini. In the following years, although this association wants to continue its activities in the provinces, but the documents and sources of that time, repeatedly It refers to the lack of status and uselessness of city and province associations in different regions of the country.
September 19, 1954, Ali Amini, Minister of Finance of the Zahedi Government, signed the text of the agreement with the International Oil Consortium. The contract was signed by Mohammad Reza Pahlavi on October 29, 1954, and the next day the first oil tanker belonging to a consortium of Western countries was loaded in Abadan, and a new era of foreign countries domination of Iran's economic resources and looting of great national wealth by the United States began. After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, Iranian oil was officially nationalized, but it was still the first and main point of contention between Iran and the United States. But during this period, the Islamic Republic not only mastered the mechanism of circumventing sanctions and making them ineffective, but also showed a brilliant record in implementing regional and supra-regional sanctions policies.
With the onset of the imposed war, adolescents were one of the most important groups who, in addition to education, had a large presence on the battlefields. Adolescents who, despite their young age and small stature, were able to leave a brilliant record with self-sacrifice. With their active presence in the field of logistics, collecting public aid, delivering weapons and ammunition to the fighters, etc., along with fighting face to face with the enemy, they created unique scenes on the battlefields of right against wrong.
Many historians and experts believe that in the Pahlavi regime the judiciary was almost completely integrated into the executive branch. Judicial decisions reflected the will of the government. In addition, the scope of the judiciary was gradually limited by the expansion of military courts and special civilian courts. Thus, under the rule of both Reza Shah and Mohammad Reza Shah, the legal system of the country was based on the premise that the government is not wrong. The process of the judiciary in the Pahlavi regime made judges and lawyers one of the first groups to express their dissatisfaction with the regime in 1977, so that the majority of them joined the wave of revolution in 1978.
On October 5, 1965, Imam Khomeini was sent from Turkey to the second exile, Iraq. With the establishment of the Imam in Najaf, a new chapter of the struggle against the Pahlavi regime began. In return, the regime sought a royal show of strength to crack down more strongly on the activities of the Imam and his followers. The first attempt to do so was the occupation and looting of the Faizieh school in Qom. The attack on the Imam's house in Qom and its inspection was another reaction of the regime. In another move, the regime arrested and deported several Imam's tuition officials. But these measures had no effect on the process of struggle. The regime was forced to deport the Imam to a country like India in order to distance him from the people. The spread of this rumor provoked such a strong reaction among the people and the fighting forces that the regime stopped carrying it out.
If until now, the world's media, when covering American crimes against human rights, referred to its history and past, or covered its criminal acts in other countries of the world, from a year ago until now; we can say that the main focus could be on US domestic issues. Blacks whose rights are not yet equal to whites; Latinos who are deprived of social services, Indigenous people who are still highly discriminated against, or even children who are brutally assaulted by the police while playing with plastic guns. All indications are that the knee of the US government is on the necks of many people around the world, there are also many signs of US human rights abuses inside the country.
The growing connection between Banisadr and Mujahedin authorities during the time of his presidency have not been mentioned a lot. Their relationship reached to its climax after he was dismissal first from the position of Commander in Chief and then the Presidency. The day after Banisadr was discharged from his position as the Commander in Chief, on 10 June 1981, the organization that believed they could "Wipe out the regime" with him, announced that his life was in danger. Mujahedin hid him, preparing his escape from Iran.
The election of obedient representatives in the Pahlavi regime was one of the plans of Reza Khan and Mohammad Reza Pahlavi to strengthen the foundations of dictatorship. According to Taghizadeh, "in fact, Reza Shah had decided not to select anyone who was not obedient to him." Henderson also believes that in the Pahlavi era, the list of candidates was based on the interests of the government. According to Mark J. Gaziurovsky, in parallel with consolidating his control over the government, the Shah directly took control of the parliamentary elections to ensure that the parliament would be loyal to him. In his memoirs, Fardoust also acknowledges the Shah's order to form a three-member commission to elect obedient representatives. Thus, according to history, in the Pahlavi regime, "power due to the personal will of the Shah" replaced "power due to national will".
The 22 February 1921 British coup, transfered the power to an officer called Reza Khan Mirpanj. This was an opening to Iran's new era and put the constitutional parliament in the hands of military forces, and until August 1941, when Iran was occupied by the Allies and Reza Shah was exiled to Mouris Islands, there were no arguments and discussions in the parliament, and the members only obeyed what they were told.